Israel on Monday June 4th killed a cousin of paramedic Razan Najjar(21), who herself was slain by it on Friday June 1st. Both killings have taken place in the besieged Gaza Strip.

The fatal incident took place east of Khan Younis in the southern part of the small coastal enclave. It’s claimed that Ramzi Najjar was killed during what was intended to be a revenge for the killing of his cousin.

Ramzi Najjar was part of a group of youths who are said to have used wire-cutters to make a hole in a border fence and threw a Molotov cocktail at the direction of Israel’s occupation forces post before retreating back to Gaza, according to what seems the most likely of several versions of the events.

In some descriptions of the events, Najjar was shot before they made it it to the border fence.

The others in the group (whose size differs in account; in some its just him and an unnamed second person) were able to cross back into Gaza, but Ramzi Najjar was shot and wounded. According to some accounts, he was inside Gaza when shot.

The claim that Palestinian medics were not allowed to reach him indicates this is it’s correct.

According to the Israeli occupation, occupation soldiers arrested Najjar who soon perished of his wounds. His body is in Israel’s hands, as are the bodies of up to seven others killed in the border since March 30th.

Israeli occupation released a photograph it claimed to be taken from the place where Najjar would have been shot and killed. In it is a hole in the border fence with barbed-wire farther out in Gaza and a rusted axe laying near the fence.

Israeli occupation made much about this axe in its own claims, which clearly seems to have been used (likely rather ineffectually) on the border fence and the barbed-wire inside the besieged coastal enclave – instead of being intended to be used to attack occupation soldiers as Israeli and pro- Israeli occupation press imply.

Earlier on Monday Israel’s occupation forces armoured bulldozers entered Gaza for a second consecutive day, bulldozing agricultural lands up to 150 meters from the border.


IOF shoot dead Palestinian youth on Gaza border

Israeli army launches limited incursion into southern Gaza

Israeli forces kill Palestinian allegedly attempting to cross Gaza border fence

Israeli forces kill Palestinian attempting to cross Gaza border fence

Israeli forces kill Palestinian near Gaza

Israeli Soldiers Kill A Palestinian In Gaza

Palestinian killed by Israeli gunfire east of Gaza

Palestinian shot dead trying to breach Gaza border: Israel army

شهيد برصاص الاحتلال شرق خانيونس واحتجاز جثمانه


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Ahed Tamimi, detained in December 2017 when she was 16 and sentenced to prison until August by an Israeli occupation military court, has given face to underage Palestinian political prisoners in globally. But she is only one of over 300 Palestinian minors currently imprisoned by the occupier Israel.

Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem reported that in the end of April 2018 a total of 321 Palestinian minors from the occupied territories were imprisoned by Israel and that 61 of them were under the age of 16 and two were under the age of 14.

The number had slightly decreased from December 2017, when Palestinian human rights organization Addameer reported that 350 children were kept imprisoned by Israel. The number is still twice as much as in December 2014, when 156 children were imprisoned.

The increasing violence and oppression by the Israeli occupation since October 2015 has hit especially hard children, as from these figures and their role in the casualties, killed and wounded, since show. In December 2017 alone Israeli occupation detained 450 Palestinian children, when the average for an entire year earlier in this decade had been around 700.

Israel has made new legislation which has made even younger Palestinian children equal to adults in its military court system, which has given children prison sentences equal to their existing ages. Behind this is blatant racism and an attempt to hurt society through its most vulnerable members.

Palestinian children usually lack presence of parents and lawyers when they are interrogated, 75 % face physical violence and threats and acts of sexual violence are common. Children’s family members are threatened if the children don’t ‘confess’ and in 23 % of cases in 2013, made to sign a confession written in Hebrew, which few of the chukdren know.

In the military courts themselves, the sentence rate is 99.74 % and threat of long prison sentences forces lawyers often recommended a plea deal in exchange of a reduced sentence when chance of being found guilty is almost non-existent. Children are often accused of multiple offenses, so that something is made to ‘stick’ in the process of bargaining. This was what was witnessed in the case of Ahed Tamimi.

When children are convicted and sentenced to prison, 60 % are moved in direct violation of international law to prisons in ethnically cleansed Palestine 1948. According to international law, prisoners from an occupied territory should serve in the occupied territory, but in the case of Palestinian children they are taken far from their families. The effect of distance is multiplied by the difficulty for family members to obtain a permission to visit Israel for a meeting.

For children, when they eventually are freed, freedom is often beginning a circle of new detainment and imprisonment. Ahed Tamimi’s younger cousin Mohammed Tamimi(15) has not only been badly wounded by Israel’s occupation forces, but he has also so far been detained for three separate times, spending months in combined captivity.


Ahed Tamimi is one of hundreds of children imprisoned in Israel

Israel: 50 Years of Occupation Abuses


Statistics on Palestinian minors in the custody of Israeli security forces



30-year-old Mohammad Na’im Hamada died on Sunday June 3rd from wounds he suffered when shot by Israel’s occupation forces’ sniper on the Bloody Monday of May 14th while taking part in the Great Return March in the besieged Gaza Strip.

Hamada was seriously wounded yet had been recovering and was able to celebrate his daughter’s sixth birthday only a few days ago, but experienced a sudden deterioration in his condition.

Mohammad Hamada was from the Jabalia refugee camp in the besieged coastal enclave.

According to our count, the death toll from the Bloody Monday alone stands at 70.


Gazan dies of wounds sustained from Israeli army gunfire

Palestinian Man Succumbs To Serious Wounds

Young man shot at Gaza protest proclaimed dead


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Volunteer paramedic Razan Ashraf Najjar(21) was shot in chest by Israel’s occupation forces on Friday June 1st in the besieged Gaza Strip. She was pronounced dead in hospital, the bullet having penetrated her heart.
The young nurse was tending to the wounded during the Great Return March demonstration when she was targeted east of Khan Younis in the southern part of the besieged coastal enclave.
Najjar was going to help a wounded person close to the border with ethnically cleansed Palestine 1948, her hands raised up and her back turned to the Israeli occupation forces’ soldiers when she was hit with the sniper’s bullet 100 meters from the border.
A video captured only moments before she was shot showed the medical team of five she was part of walking together with their hands raised.
A little earlier another member of the medical team had been hit in leg with an Israeli occupation forces’ tear gas grenade.
The incident took place late on the afternoon. Her death was announced at 19:05 local time. According to some sources, she died only minutes after being shot although attempts to resuscitate her continued still in hospital.
Over 100 other people were injured, with 40 shot with live ammunition by Israeli occupation forces on Friday. An elderly man was hit in head by an Israeli occupation forces’ tear gas canister.
Razan Najjar’s funeral took place on Saturday, filling streets in her home town of Khuzaa in Khan Younis.



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Israel’s occupation forces shot and killed construction worker Rami Wahid Hasan Sabarneh in the occupied city of Hebron on the morning of Saturday June 2nd.

Sabarneh was a resident of the town of Beit Ummar in the Hebron district in occupied West Bank’s south.

According to different sources, Rami Sabarneh was aged either 35, 36 or 37 and had two, three or four children. A photograph shows two children, a boy and a girl.


Sabarneh had been working at a road expansion and renovation project in the Old City of Hebron for a Hebron City Council project from dawn.

As the incident began, Sabarneh was driving a small Bobcat excavator on a street while another worker was walking beside the vehicle. As they were doing so, they passed a group of Israel’s occupation forces’ soldiers who started to shout at them and ordered them to stop.

The pedestrian worker stopped, but Sabarneh inside the excavator apparently didn’t hear the soldiers because of loud noise it made and the Israeli occupation soldiers opened fire on the vehicle. The slowly moving vehicle stopped in the middle of the street.

Occupation soldiers removed prone Rami Sabarneh from the excavator but didn’t give him fird aid and left him to bleed on the ground beside it. When a Palestinian ambulance arrived, it was stopped by soldiers who didn’t allow medics to reach Sabarneh.

Sources claim that Sabarneh died on the scene. A video shows Israeli occupation soldiers carrying him away on a stretcher, by the point he would have been then dead. His body was put in a black plastic bag and taken way in an Israeli ambulance.


Illegal Israeli settlers, many armed, soon crowded the area mixing with the occupation soldiers, who tried to stop photojournalists from working.

Activist Aaref Jaber, who had witnessed and filmed the incident, was arrested by Israel’s occupation forces soldiers who confiscated his phone and took him to the illegal Israeli colony of Kiryat Arba. He was later released after an interrogation.

Israeli occupation made a claim that Sabarneh would have tried ‘to ram’ occupation soldiers with his slowly-moving excavator.


IOF kills Palestinian man in Hebron calming he try to run over soldiers

Israeli forces detain activist who filmed fatal shooting of Hebron man

Israeli forces kill Palestinian in Hebron’s Old City

Israeli soldiers briefly detain man who filmed fatal shooting in Hebron

Israeli Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Worker In Hebron

Israeli soldiers shoot, kill Palestinian worker in Hebron

Palestinian shot by IOF, killed in al-Khalil


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Benjamin Netanyahu Why Isn’t Anyone Talking About Israel’s Nukes?

,What if everyone decided to finally ignore the USA To decolonize minds! Tali FG S
While the long time war dream with Iran is slowly materializing for Irael; we wanted to remember this picece from 2015:

On Tuesday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu went to Washington, D.C., and appeared before a joint session of Congress — not the Knesset — to give a speech on the dangers of Iran’s nuclear weapons program.

Iran’s nuclear program, Netanyahu declared, poses a clear and present danger not just to the Jewish state he heads, but to the entire region, and the United States, too. In stern tones the implied “Senator from Tel Aviv” warned Congress that the nuclear deal being cobbled together by Washington and Tehran in order to ward off war between them was a bad deal that would leave Iran unacceptably close to possessing a bomb.

By his calculations, with the in-place nuclear infrastructure Washington’s deal would likely allow Iran to keep, Netanyahu estimated Iran would be able to build a nuclear weapon in a year or less.

“This is a bad deal — a very bad deal,” intoned Netanyahu. “We’re better off without it.”

It’s not exactly clear who the “we” Netanyahu referred to was – assuming, of course, that one sees some degree of difference between the interests of the U.S. and Israel. Yet the message the prime minister was trying to convey was easy enough to understand: Iran is a cheat and a liar that cannot under any circumstances be trusted.


The 200-kiloton elephant in the room

Israel's Sorek nuclear reactor center near the central Israeli town of Yavne.Israel’s Sorek nuclear reactor center near the central Israeli town of Yavne.

Left totally unmentioned by Netanyahu and nearly all discussion of the speech in the U.S. media is any note of, no matter how slight, Israel’s own nuclear weapons program. Indeed, although Israel’s nuclear arms are undeclared and the state is not a signatory of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, its possession of these weapons has been an open secret since the 1980s, when a low-level Israeli nuclear technician by the name of Mordechai Vanunu leaked details of the program to a British newspaper. Vanunu was arrested, tried in a secret court and convicted. He would ultimately serve 18 years in prison, 11 of them in solitary confinement.

What Vanunu revealed to the public was widely known in official circles for years, and in 1987 the U.S. Defense Departmentnoted that, “as far as nuclear technology is concerned, the Israelis are roughly where the U.S. was in the fission weapon field circa 1955-1960.” The DOD went on to say that U.S. intelligence believed Israel was also well on its way to developing the technology it would need to produce hydrogen bombs, which are also now widely believed to be present in the Israeli arsenal. Although estimates of the size of the Israeli inventory vary, minimum calculations place it at 75 weapons and maximum at 400, with most placing it somewhere between 100-200 warheads.

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute provides perhaps the best guess, which is that Israel has 80 intact nuclear weapons, with enough material for many more. Of that 80, it says, 50 are deployed on Jericho II medium-range ballistic missiles and the remaining 30 are aircraft-delivered gravity bombs. There is also speculation that some of Israel’s weapons are based at sea on its new Dolphin submarines, which means that Israel has not only nuclear weapons, but a fully functioning deterrent triad of missiles, bombers and subs. Israel, in other words, not only has a nuclear force as big as or bigger than North Korea’s, Pakistan’s or India’s, but one that possibly approaches the United Kingdom’s in terms of size and sophistication.


The story of the Israeli bomb

While there is debate over the size of Israel’s stockpile, how Israel got the bomb in the first place is far better known. Starting shortly after the birth of the Israeli state itself, David Ben-Gurion gave his country’s scientific establishment the mission of creating what was termed at the time “the bomb in the basement” – a last-resort option that would stave off final defeat by Arab armies, or at least make achieving that hideously costly. Funds gathered from overseas, including Jewish contributions to the State of Israel, were in part funneled to this project, and Israeli scientists and intelligence officials were directed to acquire information from foreign sources on how to build a bomb.

The best efforts to achieve this came in France, where a close relationship between the Israeli and the French defense establishments gave Israeli scientists access to French nuclear research sites. This relationship also eventually led to the purchase of the Dimona reactor complex. Indeed, during the late 1950s over 2,500 French technical experts were present at the reactor site and operated behind a veil of secrecy so thick that the workers were forbidden to write directly to relatives lest they give away their location. When questioned by the British and Americans, Israelis claimed Dimona was a grasslands research institute or a manganese processing plant. After Charles de Gaulle came to power in 1959, however, the Franco-Israeli nuclear alliance chilled — but not before Israel was able to acquire enough material and expertise to begin a full-fledged, independent weapons program of its own.

To succeed, though, Israel would have to overcome what was probably its greatest obstacle to acquiring nuclear weapons: the U.S. It should be remembered that in the early years of the Cold War Israel and the U.S. were not as close as they are today. At best Israel was seen as a nuisance and an electoral prop for Democrats like Harry Truman, and under Dwight D. Eisenhower the U.S. was often actively hostile. Indeed, Eisenhower opposed not just Israeli participation in the Suez Crisis of 1956 but forced Israel as well as Britain and France to retreat from their assault on Egypt with their tails tucked firmly between their legs.

Although not as skeptical of the utility of Israel as an ally as Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy nonetheless put the screws to Israel over its nuclear ambitions due to the experience he gained during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Seeing a need to push back against the threat of nuclear war after the close call over Cuba, Kennedy offered the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty to the world and pushed for countries to sign. Among the requirements, of course, were vigorous inspections to ensure that existing nuclear facilities in non-nuclear states would not be used to build weapons.

Although the U.S. was aware of Israel’s Dimona reactor by 1958, when U2 flights and on-the-ground assessments observed what the Israelis were doing, inspections of the type Kennedy was championing would expose just exactly what the Israelis were up to — drawing the wrath of the proliferation-phobic Kennedy and handing a propaganda coup to the Soviets and Moscow’s Arab allies. The Israelis did eventually give in and allow inspectors, but what ensued as U.S. technical experts poked and prodded Dimona was a kabuki-esque affair, wherein the American teams were stymied in almost every way via tactics any contemporary U.N. weapons inspector would recognize as an attempt to obfuscate, distract and cheat.


Acceptance of the Israeli bomb

This song and dance went on for the remainder of the Kennedy administration, only waning under the far more pro-Israel Lyndon Johnson, who, like Truman, used his support of Israel as a political prop. What’s more, as Moscow made inroads in Egypt and Syria and the likelihood of war between Arabs and Israelis increased, the decision was made in the U.S. and other Western countries to look the other way and, in effect, allow the Israelis to build their bomb.  By 1967, on the eve of the Six-Day War, it is believed that this acquiescence allowed the Israelis to secretly accumulate enough fissile material to build a crude nuclear bomb prior to the outbreak of hostilities on June 5 of that year.

Although Israel’s crushing victory in that war assured its bomb would not be used, the frightening encounter between Israel and its enemies led Israel to a crash program geared toward mass-producing nuclear weapons as quickly as possible. As in the 1950s resources were leveraged, the biggest obstacle to physically increasing Israel’s stockpile was overcome in 1968 via an audacious covert operation that stole up to 200 tons of yellowcake uranium from a Belgian mining company that the Mossad, in a complex operation, had shipped from Antwerp to Genoa and thence on to Israel.

Indeed, the Belgians weren’t the only ones who were robbed. In a memo on Israeli nuclear activities prepared for President Richard Nixon by Henry Kissinger himself, Kissinger noted that Israel’s nuclear program “is one where the Israelis have persistently deceived and may even have stolen from us.” Here, this was further implied when in 1976 CIA Deputy Director Carl Duckett informed officials at the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission that the agency suspected some 200-600 pounds of highly enriched uranium had been stolen by Israel from a processing plant in Pennsylvania owned by the Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation. It was, according to one of the officials privy to the secret at the time, one of the most glaring cases of diverted nuclear materials in history.

Eventually acknowledging their failure, the White House under Johnson and then Nixon created the present regime of official lies about Israeli nuclear capabilities by getting the Israelis to pledge to be the first to “not introduce” nuclear weapons to the Middle East — which the Israelis defined as agreeing to not officially test weapons or state officially that they possessed them. This concordant became a foundation of U.S.-Israeli relations when Nixon met Golda Meier after U.S. intervention in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, which itself may have been forced by Israeli desperation and Israel’s implied threat to use their bombs to stave off imminent battlefield defeat.


A rogue is a rogue is a rogue

In the context of the Cold War, when Israeli actions against a Soviet client could have forced a nuclear response by Moscow — a response which would lead inevitably to an exchange with the U.S. and its other allies — it made eminent sense to protect Israel so it would not be forced to use its weapons and so cause that chain of events to occur, which came close to actually happening in 1973. It may have unfairly privileged Israeli interests over nearly everyone else in the Middle East in official Washington circles, but it nonetheless kept an unstable region and its nuclear powder keg under wraps for the remaining duration of America’s conflict with the Soviet Union.

But does this same logic hold sway today? To be sure, relations between Russia and the U.S. are frosty, but the degree to which American and Russian security interests are tied to the fates of their client states in the Middle East is far less than what it once was. Furthermore, American guarantees of security have profited the U.S. very little. In exchange for providing carte blanche protection for Israel in exchange for its nuclear silence, the U.S. has received little but Israeli intransigence on the issue of Palestine and next to no help on other important regional issues. Indeed, America’s very protection of Israel makes the U.S. widely hated in the region. The U.S. alliance with Israel is thus for the most part a one-way street from which America derives very little benefit.

So when you click on the news and see Netanyahu talk about the dangers of a bad deal and the threat of a rogue nuclear state, understand that he knows what he is talking about. After all, his country is experienced in fooling inspectors and lying to the U.S. about its nuclear intentions. It, too, has stolen nuclear materials and broken numerous international laws to build a secret nuclear weapons lab and stockpile. If the emerging narrative about what actually happened in 1973 is correct, it has even engaged in nuclear blackmail to get its way. Given all this, one wonders if maybe Israel couldn’t teach Iran a lesson or two in this particular area of statecraft.




Volunteer paramedic Razan Ashraf Najjar(21) was shot in chest by Israel’s occupation forces’ sniper on Friday June 1st in the besieged Gaza Strip. She died of her wounds in hospital.

The young nurse was tending to the wounded during the Great Return March demonstration when she was targeted east of Khan Younis in the southern part of the besieged coastal enclave.

According to an eye-witnesses, she was running toward a wounded person in direction of the border with ethnically cleansed Palestine 1948, her hands raised up when she was hit with the bullet.

The incident took place late on the afternoon. Her death was announced 19:05 local time.

Over 100 other people were injure, with 40 shot with live ammunition by Israeli occupation forces. An elderly man was hit in head by an Israeli occupation forces’ tear gas canister.


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جمعة من غزة إلى حيفا.. لحظة بلحظة


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