Shelling of Daraa Palestinian refugee camp in Syria’s southern province of the same name on either Saturday March 18th or Sunday March 19th led to the death of Palestinian refugee Jamal al-Masri.,
According to Action Group for Palestinians in Syria, he’s 247th Palestinian refugee killed in Daraa refugee camp during the war.
Earlier Action Group for Palestinians in Syria reported that at least 3469 Palestinians, of which 455 were women, have been killed in the war.
With the death of al-Masri and the killing Palestinian refugee Ali Al-Mohamed from Al-Mualaqa by the so-called ‘Islamic State’, this number is now at least 3471.


Late at Sunday night Palestinian Authority’s security forces made a raid at Balata refugee camp in Nablus in an effort to capture ‘wanted fugitives’. The raid turned fatal.
Palestinian security officer Hasaan Ali Abu al-Hajj was killed and a wanted ‘fugitive’ Ahmad Abu Hamada, who shot him, was shot twice in head and once in abdomen. Abu Hamada, also known as Ahmad al-Zabour, is in a critical but stable condition in a hospital.
Another ‘fugitive’ was able to escape, but was wounded.
It was more than a police operation against criminals – it was a part of a shadowy ‘war’ for control of Fatah as the end of president Abbas’ time in power inevitably draws near.
For now it has been centred in Nablus, pitting PA security forces against ‘gunmen’ drawn mainly from the ranks of al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades. Last summer’s fatal incidents that killed at least eight people brought notice to it, but the background – being a political ‘hot potato’ – is often deliberately left vague.
Here we try to cast some light to that background.
Balata refugee camp in Nablus is a home to 30 000 people in an area of mere 0.25 square kilometers. A kind of mini- Gaza Strip suffering from deep poverty in the midst of occupation and for several years now a seat of opposition to president Mahmoud Abbas’ government, with the local leading politician Jamal al-Tirawi in an alliance of convenience with the exiled former Fatah leader Mohammed Dahlan.
Dahlan, accused of collaboration with Israel, high levels of corruption during his time in the Gaza Strip and role in the murder of Yasser Arafat, has in recent years become a darling of autocratic Arab governments allied with Saudi Arabia. He seems like an odd figure to enjoy support in Balata, and he doesn’t, beyond the aid he can give to Tirawi, a member of Palestinian Legislative Council who is seen as a ‘traditional’ Fatah figure with strong local roots.
But the alliance is telling of the problems and internal division from which Fatah suffers, as Abbas’ conciliatory policies towards Israel in an effort to gain support from the so-called ‘West’ to end the occupation, even in what could be considered bad terms, have led to minimal results with Israel deepening it’s stranglehold of the occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank.
The centre is weak in Fatah, but there is no alternative power centre to the octogenarian Abbas, as Israel deliberately keeps the popular Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti imprisoned – which gives Dahlan his opportunity and more or less forces local Fatah leaders like Tirawi who are opposed to Abbas’ policies to deal with Dahlan.
The only beneficiary of this is the occupier Israel and its illegal settlers, who grow in numbers as Palestinians kill each other in a power struggle between rulers incapable of firm action to end the occupation – and in the case of Dahlan, a figure often considered a Quisling.
Ahmad Abu Hamada, who has now the blood of a fellow Palestinian in his hands, defended of the gun-smuggling he is accused of as a ‘creative solution’ to unemployment and insecurity against the Israeli occupation in an interview last autumn:
“The authority … says that we are living outside the law, producing weapons and carrying out executions. But they are the ones creating this atmosphere… Most of the young men in the camp are former prisoners in Israel. Now they don’t have jobs. The moment we see there isn’t equal law for all, why respect this law?”

IPNOT PICTURE OF THE DAY from March 18th 2017: The Funeral of Murad Abu Ghazi

16 y/o Murad Abu Ghazi was shot in chest and fatally wounded by Israel’s occupation forces in the al-Arrub refugee camp in the Hebron district of occupied West Bank on Friday March 17th.
His funeral procession on Saturday March 18th is shown in our picture of the day. After his funeral ended, clashes erupted with Israeli occupation forces’ soldiers, who wounded 8 youths with rubber-coated steel bullets.
Today Israel’s occupation forces have spread on all entrances to the refugee camp.
PHOTO: @PalinfoAr

IPNOT QUOTE OF THE DAY March 19th 2017: Illegal Israeli Settler Leader Gets Israel Prize For ‘Lifetime Achievement’

In a normal country, David Be’eri’s place would be in court. The history of Elad, the association he founded, is paved with typical settler fraudulence: straw companies, collaborators, forged documents, extortion, bribery and greed, together with violent security companies, militias that wreak terror. This rot will now get a prize. Be’eri’s patently immoral goal justifies any means, in his view. Under the guise of archaeology, beautification and tourism, his vile and transparent aim is Judaization, in other words ethnic cleansing. Transfer in Jerusalem. The judiciary made it legal, the state cooperated and is now cheering as well.
For whom do you cheer, Israel? For the man who expelled thousands from their homes and made miserable the lives of tens of thousands? For the man who turned a Palestinian village into a Jewish tourist site? It’s a pity the prize jury didn’t bother to visit Silwan. Their prizewinner is the one responsible for violently goading residents of the weak and downtrodden neighborhood, where Israeli flags and armed guards bully them day and night.


A ‘Herrenvolk democracy’ is a term describing a political system where a supposedly democratic system excludes a significant number of people outside it, while the system and the population that is included claims to be and inside this hallowed circle acts, as a democracy.
The ruling group usually claims to be differentiated ‘racially’ and culturally from the excluded, whether this is real or not. Obsession with miscegenation is typical of the ‘Herrenvolk democracy’, which will sometimes try to represent social and class differences as ‘racial’.
Examples have been Sparta during antiquity, United States during slavery, Ireland during the British rule (where a priest consecrating marriage between Irish and Anglo-Irish could be executed based on a 1725 law; similar laws were at the same time made to stop ‘racial mixing’ in Britain’s American colonies), Apartheid-era South Africa and currently Israel ( as historian Ilan Pappé argues), which fits all the main points a ‘Herrenvolk democracy’ includes.
‘Herrenvolk democracies’, although authoritarian and oppressive towards the excluded, tend to officially declare their devotion to liberty and (classical) ‘Republican’ values. They and their external and internal propagandists see no paradox, no contradiction in oppression and enslavement of large part of a population and the official doctrine of liberty.
The oppressed simply don’t count – except that through their oppression the oppressor becomes even more devoted to his or her own freedom and the cause of the society and state in which they practice oppression and enjoy of their own freedom, like the Anglo-Irish philosopher and politician Edmund Burke(1729-1797) declared in his defense of the slave-owners in the United States, who he saw as the representatives of highest form of liberalism and love of freedom.
With this we got to the core of that peculiar ideology called ‘Liberal Zionism’ and the endless eulogies the representatives of its Christian and Jewish wings make in public. “The Only Democracy in the Middle East”, “The Beacon of Freedom” (Tony Blair), “The Beacon of Tolerance” (Theresa May) and so on.
Like Burke praised the slave-owners, so is Israel praised by the current ‘Western’ elites and the political descendants of Burke in the so-called ‘Western’ media. The Palestinians’ suffering doesn’t much of the time lessen the praise heaped on Israel – it often seems only to increase it.
In the hallowed circle of ‘Herrenvolk democracy’, the excluded and the oppressed, the enslaved and the occupied, the ethnically cleansed simply don’t matter. They are not part of the society, they are not really its members or the citizens of the state. They exist only in the periphery, as a danger to the ‘Herrenvolk democracy’, something which it needs to define itself, to unite its real members and make them forget the social and class differences they have.
In the ideology of the ‘Herrenvolk democracy’ like Israel, the excluded are not to be integrated, even slowly. They are only to be kept at bay until they can be eradicated or pushed farther – first to the refugee camps and bantustans in the case of the Palestinians living on the western side of the Green Line, and to segregated townships on the western side – until at some point the full removal of the excluded is possible to consecrate the purity of the ‘Herrenvolk democracy’.
Few ‘Herrenvolk democracies’ ever get that far – they need the excluded as a labour pool. Less than human ‘machines on two feet’ like Abbé Sieyès(1748-1836) called the poor labouring classes of France. Sparta, as much as it feared the Helots, needed their labour. So did the British the Irish as cheap labour in their new industrial society and so did the Americans the enslaved Africans.
And so, at least for now, does the ‘Herrenvolk democracy’ par excellence of our era, Israel, of the labour of the occupied and oppressed Palestinians. As its politicians in public loudly dream of even more ethnically and religiously ‘pure’ Greater Israel, while enjoying of the endless praise and support of foreign governments, politicians and press in the ‘West’.
For the non-Palestinians belonging to the ‘lower classes’ in their own countries, the praise from your own politicians and media to Israel is an indication of what they think of you behind the scenes and what, if they could, they would do to you: Exclude you.
Losurdo, Domenico: Liberalism: A Counter-History
(2011; Controstoria del liberalismo, 2005).

In Memoriam of Abdel Rahman Thawabteh (20) and Jamal Taqatqa (19

In Memoriam of Abdel Rahman Thawabteh (20) and Jamal Taqatqa (19) killed by the IOF in the northern Salfit district on the West Bank near the ILLEGAL colony of Ariel, March 17, 2016

The israeli Occupation forces left the two youths to bleed to death and didn’t allow Palestinian ambulances´ crews access to them (threatening to shoot the medics).

To know more:




This slideshow requires JavaScript.



Mohammed Ibrahim(20) from town of Kabul in Palestine 1948 has been imprisoned without charges or trial since May 10th 2016 by Israel.
On Wednesday March 15th there was a hearing in Haifa of the continuation of his imprisonment without charge or trial for three more months; the hearing was so secret that even Ibrahim and his lawyer were not allowed to be in the court room for the whole of it.
This gives an appearance of a very serious accusation him, but on the contrary the lack of a charge after ten months is an indication of the weakness of the accusation, as is the prosecutor asking for ‘mere’ three months continued imprisonment without charge – which is certain to be announced on Sunday – instead of the usual six.
Over 600 people are currently imprisoned without charge or trial by Israel, based on secret evidence – which is often very public after revealed, like social media posts.
As very weak ‘evidence’ is enough to bring a conviction to Palestinians in Israel’s legal system, administrative detention has become a way to imprison people whom even the rigged Israeli judicial system would otherwise find hard to convict and sentence.
Outside the courtroom there was a demonstration in solidarity with Ibrahim; it’s participants were physically attacked by Israeli police. Our daily picture shows the aftermath of this attack when it comes to few of the participants in the demonstration.
PHOTO: @ShehabAgency.MainPage